Battle of Immae 272 AD - How Aurelian Restored the Roman Empire (Part 2)

 

Battle of Immae 272 AD - How Aurelian Restored the Roman Empire (Part 2)

Following the victory over the Goths in the Balkans, the flagging morale of the Roman forces had been restored, and with a restructured Danubian frontier, Aurelian could now muster strong field armies for the campaigns ahead without compromising the empire’s security.

 The emperor wintered in Byzantium, making preparations for the upcoming war with Zenobia and ensuring that the borders would be protected in his absence.

 Considerable manpower was allocated to defend the Balkans against the tribes from across the Danube.

 Troops were stationed in Italy to prevent a possible return of the Alemanni and the Iuthungi.

 And in Narbonese Gaul, a substantial presence of Imperial troops was required to guard against the Gallic Empire.

 By spring 272 Aurelian had mustered his own army in Thrace and had completed all preparations.

 Zenobia, seeing that war with Aurelian was now inevitable, had her son Vaballathus declared Augustus, and had herself proclaimed Augusta, the traditional title of a Roman empress.

 But because of the Palmyrene failure to secure Bithynia, Aurelian was easily able to secure a bridgehead and march into Asia .

 He sent a second force to make a naval landing in Egypt, under the talented Marcus Aurelius Probus, the future emperor.

 The logistical planning and execution of this invasion marked Aurelian as one of the greatest military thinkers of the third century AD.

 His plan was a pincer movement on a massive scale, a true master class in strategic warfare… Aurelian’s war against Zenobia had two objectives.

 The first was to recapture those parts of the empire over which Zenobia had recently established her dominion.

 The most important of these were the wealthy provinces of Asia Minor, with their significant tax contribution to the coffers of the imperial government, and Egypt, with its vital supply of grain.

 The Mediterranean area of Syria, particularly the city of Antioch, was of secondary, but still considerable importance.

 The emperor's second objective was to eliminate Zenobia and to reduce the power of Palmyra, so as to avoid a repeat of this dangerous situation.

 However, Aurelian knew that Syria would be heavily defended and that a prolonged war there was possible.

 This would prevent him from reaching Egypt by land, which he urgently needed to recover to secure a steady flow of grain, as well as revenues from the Red Sea trade.

 This was the main reason for his ambitious naval invasion to open a second front.

 The Roman fleet reached the Nile delta sometime in the spring of 272.

 Very little is known about the campaign itself.

 Upon making landfall, Probus initially fought with success, but was then nearly captured.

 Further reinforcements helped him gain a foothold against the Palmyrene garrison and by early June Alexandria was safely back in Aurelian's control.

 Probus then began operations to retake the rest of Egypt.

 Meanwhile, after crossing into Asia Minor, the advancing Roman column was triumphantly welcomed by the inhabitants of Bithynia, who had successfully resisted Zenobia's domination.

 In Galatia, any Palmyrene troops stationed there were certainly not numerous enough to stop Aurelian’s army and they quickly withdrew to the south-east, bringing valuable intelligence about Aurelian's advance.

 With the loose Palmyrene hegemony evaporating before him, the emperor was welcomed without a struggle by the citizens of Ancyra, the provincial capital.

 After making sure that his supply lines were secure, from here he proceeded south-east towards the Cilician gates, a chasmic pass through the Taurus mountains that connected the Anatolian plateau with the Cilician plains and Syria beyond.

 However, before he could reach the pass, his route took him to the town of Tyana in Cappadocia, which was strategically located along the route to Syria.

 The town refused to open its gates, but Aurelian could not afford to leave a hostile garrison along his lines of supply.

 Angered, he ordered the city besieged, pledging that he would not leave even a dog alive once the city had fallen .

 Desirous of plunder, his soldiers pursued the siege with all the more determination.

 The machine-like manner with which the Romans slowly choked the city over the course of several weeks, spread fear among some sections of the population.

 With the pressure mounting, Tyana capitulated when one of the frightened residents betrayed the city to the emperor by showing to him a weakness in the wall.

 The capital of Cappadocia was now in the emperor’s hands.

 But…

 Aurelian thought better of his previous intention to massacre Tyana.

 With an insight rare among third-century emperors, he realized that sparing the city would set a precedent far more potent in the coming conflict.

 He ordered his army not to harm Tyana, thus presenting himself to the populace as a liberator , rather than a conqueror.

 But his troops were none too pleased.

 They expected to be allowed to plunder the city and angrily demanded that Aurelian stand by his promise .

 This was indeed a dangerous move.

 Amidst the heightened political-military tensions of the third century, many an emperor and usurper were lynched by their own soldiers for refusing plunder.

 That Aurelian managed to survive this encounter reflects his ability to foster strong relations with his soldiers, at a time when armies were prone to rebellion against their commanders.

 Not allowing himself to be intimidated by his men, the emperor admitted that he had indeed ordered that no dog in Tyana be allowed to live.

 Accordingly , he ordered his soldiers to kill all dogs in the city.

 The anger of the soldiers was dispelled by their laughter at this response .

 Aurelian went on to explain his decision to the troops: “We waged war to free these cities.

 If we pillage them, they will never trust us.”

 This display of sound political judgement showed that he understood that Zenobia was a formidable foe, and that he had better chances of defeating her through clemency rather than terror.

 With the capture of Tyana, the way to Syria now lay open.

 Aurelian’s army marched into Cilicia without resistance, likely passing through Tarsus, the provincial capital, before heading east through Issus, where Alexander the Great had won his famous victory over the Persians.

 From here, the Roman emperor reached the port of Alexandretta.

 Although he had gained control over Asia Minor with relative ease, before him now lay Syria, the heartland of Palmyrene power.

 Meanwhile in Egypt, Probus managed to topple the resistance and regain control of the province.

 He then proceeded to march towards the Levant.

 He pressed the Palmyrenes from the south and perhaps secured the loyalty of the Cyrenean Third Legion in Arabia, which had been previously subdued and its general killed by Zenobia.

 To address this, Zabdas detached a considerable force, in anticipation of Probus’ advance on Palmyra.

 Having lost Alexandria, the queen now had one remaining mint under her control in Antioch.

 Knowing that this would be Aurelian’s first objective in Syria, it was here that she and her generals stationed Palmyra’s forces in preparation for the Roman advance… Aurelian’s army consisted of legionary detachments drawn from Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia and Moesia, as well as praetorians and Moorish and Dalmatian cavalry, who served as elite mounted units.

 Zabdas’ army consisted of Palmyrenes and other Syrians, but also various other Roman units that had declared their loyalty to Queen Zenobia’s family.

 Palmyra’s greatest advantage over Aurelian’s army was their clibanarii or super-heavy cavalry.

 These mounted units were better armoured and more numerous than Aurelian’s Dalmatians and Moors.

 The Roman emperor began crossing over the mountains.

 He had received unwelcome reports that the Palmyrenes lay between him and Antioch.

 Zabdas drew up his army in the Orontes plain, on the western side of the Lake of Antioch, to the north of the city.

 Here, he could intercept Aurelian’s advance along the road from Alexandretta, at a narrow point where the flat terrain was especially well suited to the battle tactics of the Palmyrene heavy-mailed cavalry.

 However, Aurelian refused to fight Zabdas on the battlefield of his own choosing.

 Knowing that a direct assault would be to surrender operational and tactical advantage to the enemy, he instead decided to march to the east of the lake, seeking to outflank the Palmyrene position.

 This maneuver had three advantages: First, the Palmyrenes anticipated a frontal assault from the north and might become confused by an attack from their rear.

 Second, he would block the enemy’s line of retreat to the east, and if could reach the city he could also close off the road leading south.

 Lastly, the terrain south of the lake was less suited to Zabdas’s formidable cataphracts.

 However, the Palmyrene general got wind of Aurelian’s maneuver.

 Having already stationed a small contingent to guard the road to Beroea , he sent his elite heavy cavalry to bolster their ranks.

 He could ill afford to lose his line of retreat, so it was imperative that they intercept Aurelian’s army on the plain to the east of the lake, before they could reach the hilly terrain further south, where his cavalry would be at a disadvantage.

 The emperor’s scouts soon brought back reports of Palmyrene movements.

 Realizing he had lost the element of surprise, Aurelian led most of his cavalry ahead of the main body of the army.

 He was well aware of the fearsome reputation of the clibanarii, and did not want to risk his infantry against Zabdas’ heavy cavalry.

 It was a hot June morning.

 The Roman emperor marched at pace well ahead of the rest of the army, with a cavalry contingent of around 5,000-strong, hoping to outflank Zabdas at Antioch.

 With him he had the veteran Dalmatian and Moorish light cavalry, which had been under Aurelian’s command for a number of years before he became emperor, serving as the elite cavalry arm of the Roman army.

 They were a tactically astute branch of the military, capable of executing battle plans across vast distances with precision, and had participated in numerous campaigns, often being the deciding factor in major engagements.

 However, Aurelian found that his way was blocked by the Palmyrene heavily armoured cavalry, arrayed on the Antioch-Beroea road . Zabdas’ cataphracts were of even better quality than Aurelian’s Dalmatians and Moors.

 These troops had been forged in the fire of the Persian wars and perhaps represented the very pinnacle of cavalry warfare in the Third Century AD.

 It is likely that Zabdas fielded up to 5,000 of these troops at Immae, but their exact strength and composition remains unclear.

 The Palmyrenes traditionally used light cavalry and dromedary archers, so it is possible that these heavy cavalry units were not local and were in fact cataphracts of the Roman army in the East, which were controlled by Queen Zenobia.

 Rome employed such units as an answer to Persian cataphracts, and they would’ve been controlled by Zenobia’s husband before he was assassinated.

 This further confirms that the conflict between Rome and Palmyra was in fact a civil war.

 Despite this, ancient sources, descended from Aurelian’s propaganda, portrayed Palmyra as an external enemy, even though they were an integral part of the empire for centuries.

 Further evidence of this propaganda can be seen in their portrayal of Zenobia as an eastern barbarian, a foreigner, despite her family having SENATORIAL status.

 The fact she was of Syrian descent was clearly used against her by the central imperial government.

 Aurelian presented Zenobia’s son as an illegitimate ruler, but ironically, it was Aurelian himself who lacked senatorial status before he took power.

 He was an Illyrian general who killed his way to the throne, overthrowing Quintilius and, according to some sources, he played a role in the assassination of emperor Gallienus.

 Aurelian did eventually get senatorial support, but he had earned it through brute force.

 Likewise, the troops from both armies used to be part of the Roman military before the war.

 At Immae, the two commanders fielded their best mounted contingents, both understanding the importance of the opening encounter.

 Around mid-morning, Aurelian gave the signal.

 On the other end, Zabdas rose to the challenge.

 Undoubtedly, the heavily armoured cataphracts were encouraged, seeing the light Dalmatian and Moorish cavalry.

 Little did they know that Aurelian was one of the finest cavalry commanders of his time.

 Just before the first charge of the enemy he instructed his men to wheel about and not risk close-quarters combat with their heavier counterparts.

 The light-armed cavalry feigned retreat, inviting the enemy to give chase.

 This encouraged the Palmyrenes to press forward, in anticipation of an easy victory.

 Whenever a minor clash occurred, Aurelian’s lighter units would flee.

 With each charge of Zabdas’ cataphracts, the nimble Dalmatians and Moors used their speed to avoid the confrontation and retreat along the main road towards the town of Immae.

 The Palmyrenes pursued the Romans for several kilometres.

 Soon enough, the Syrian midday sun began taking its toll.

 True to the word clibanarius, meaning ‘oven-man’, the Palmyrene clibanarii and their horses suffered in the heat, having maintained the chase in their heavy armour.

 Aurelian noticed the exhaustion of the enemy.

 On cue, he turned his cavalry and counter-charged the pursuers.

 Taken by surprise, the clibanarii could not put up an effective resistance, nor flee their nimble enemy.

 The slaughter was terrible.

 The tired heavy horsemen were either slain in their saddles, or thrown of their horses and mangled by the hooves of friend and foe.

 Few managed to escape the carnage and find their way back to Antioch.

 Aurelian’s tactics at Immae relied on the veteran Dalmatian and Moorish cavalry, their steely discipline, courage, and their ability to co-ordinate an effective and timely counter-attack after retreating a great distance.

 Their deadly efficiency demonstrated the emperor’s tactical expertise, as well as his experience as a cavalry commander.

 In one fell swoop, he had dealt a crippling blow to Palmyra’s most powerful military asset, their vaunted heavily armoured cavalry.

 However , further to the south, the Palmyrenes still possessed cavalry that far outnumbered those available to the emperor, including a reserve of cataphracts.

 Aurelian knew that the battle had by no means secured the defeat of Zenobia’s regime and that the outcome of the war was yet to be decided…