Battle of the Field of Blood 1119 AD - The Crusades - (a.k.a. Battle of Ager Sanguinis)

 

On a hot, arid June morning, a group of merchants sat along the road leading through the Harim mountains of northwestern Syria.

 Descending from higher ground was the army of Roger of Salerno, regent of the Principality of Antioch, comprised of a strong contingent of knights, Armenian cavalry, infantry, Turcopoles and auxiliaries.

 They made camp just north of the town of Sarmada and proceeded to fortify the perimeter, not thinking anything of the merchants who were selling birds on the side of the road.

 The merchants were keenly interested in the formidable crusader host, taking special note of the knights and their retinues, and the lay of the land around the Christian camp.

 Then, around mid-day, they unexpectedly shut up shop and departed east.

 These men were Muslim spies, monitoring the mountain passes that lead towards Aleppo, and with their gathered intelligence they were on their way to alarm their Seljuk masters.

 The battle of the Field of Blood is about to begin.

 After the death of the famous crusader Bohemond I in 1111 AD, his son Bohemond II became the ruler of the Principality of Antioch.

 But he inherited the throne as a child and living in Italy.

 Antioch needed a ruler immediately, so his capable cousin Tancred, Prince of Galilee, was appointed regent until the young boy reached majority.

 However, during a severe typhoid epidemic Tancred contracted the disease and died a year later.

 The regency passed to his nephew, Roger of Salerno.

 Cut from the same Italo-Norman cloth, Roger proved himself a successful military leader.

 He played a crucial role in the restoration of the principality’s fortifications that were damaged during a massive earthquake that struck the Middle East in 1114, and had scored several important victories against Muslim forces, most notably at Tell Danith , in 1115.

 And now , further conflict was brewing when the ruler of Aleppo was assassinated in 1117.

 Situated close to the Euphrates river, Aleppo was a vital hub of the Middle East.

 With its high walls punctured by seven gates and a mighty citadel perched on a high mound at its center, it dominated the political landscape in northern Syria.

 Its inhabitants were civilized, wealthy, and talented.

 Astride the western end of the Silk Road, the city was a center for trade , and its markets hosted merchants from Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq, and even the distant lands of India and China.

 Whoever ruled Aleppo could control many of the river crossings that linked Syria and the Holy Land to the Turkish held Persia, and impede lines of communication between the coastal Levantine region and the lands in the east.

 With the city now being leaderless, a major confrontation over Aleppo’s future governance – and therefore over the future direction of Syria as a whole – was looming .

 To the west, the leadership of Antioch was well aware that the overthrow of the city would ensure their regional dominance and strengthen the position of the Crusader States to the south.

 To the east, Ilghazi , the Bey of Mardin and head of the Artukid dynasty, began making preparations of his own.

 He and other Turkmen leaders from the region were equally aware that if Aleppo drifted into the Christian fold, the Franks would strengthen their position incalculably, raising the possibility that they would advance in force against Turkmen lands to the east.

 However , the prospect of being ruled by Ilghazi was deeply unpopular in Aleppo.

 Although an experienced commander, he was known for his brutality and the purging of the urban elites.

 Seeking a better alternative, the city initially looked to the Principality of Antioch for protection.

 But the Franks had proven to be untrustworthy guardians . Their troops started to intercept merchants traveling through the Aleppan region, enslaving them and seizing their goods.

 The Crusaders further dishonored the treaty by raiding the countryside and conquering the strategic fortified town of Azaz, which dominated a broad expanse of fertile farmland .

 The loss of Azaz was a major blow for Aleppo.

 Now, the Frankish encirclement was tightening and the attack on the city seemed imminent.

 In panic, Aleppans sought help from Tughtekin, Atabeg of Damascus, known to be a capable commander.

 However, the Damascene forces were weakened by a recent conflict against the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Tughtekin was himself seeking assistance from Ilghazi.

 Consequently, the Aleppans approached the Atabeg of Mosul, but he too was unable to send aid.

 With nowhere else to turn, Aleppo opened its gates to the ruler of Mardin.

 For Ilghazi, Aleppo’s progressive enfeeblement was both a source of concern and a spur to ambition.

 On the one hand, a Frankish victory would enable them to strike east, but on the other , if Ilghazi could hold onto the city, his own position would be substantially enhanced.

 By the start of the arid summer of 1119, Ilghazi was assembling his forces.

 He allied himself with Tughtekin , who was equally eager to see the Franks driven back.

 They were both seasoned commanders, weathered by years of experience on campaigns during the initial Seljuk westward expansion and were proven survivors within the complex, often murderous, world of Seljuk politics.

 Roger was making preparations of his own.

 As a capable field commander, he was feared by his enemies, one of whom described him as a “real devil”, and was well attuned to the entangled political landscape of the Middle East.

 Understanding that the principality’s borderlands hinged on possession of strongly fortified towns and castles, he strengthened key garrisons and began gathering his army at Artah.

 He sent a messenger to Baldwin II of Jerusalem, requesting his assistance.

 Baldwin replied that he would collect his troops, as well as those of the County of Tripoli, and march to the aid of the Antiochene regent.

 The King of Jerusalem took with him the portion of the True Cross to bolster the Crusader morale.

 However, Roger was flooded by messages from the local barons, asking him to move to protect their lands.

 The patriarch of Antioch, Bernard of Valence intervened, counseling Roger to wait for Baldwin’s arrival before seeking battle, stressing the value of combining forces against the Muslim army.

 It was sensible advice… But, faced with the pressure to perform his task of protecting the holdings of the local nobility, Roger decided to advance against Ilghazi .

 Marching out of Artah, the crusader army left the Orontes plain and marched up into the Limestone Massif towards Aleppo.

 Roger’s plan was to reach Sarmada in a day’s march and encamp for the night, before continuing the march towards Aleppo the next day.

 There, the surrounding mountainous terrain was too rough for the mobile Seljuk riders to negotiate, and the semi-wooded valley favored the Christian heavy cavalry.

 It was a suitable position for a temporary camp.

 Meanwhile, Ilghazi was well informed about the advance of the crusaders . His scouts, masquerading as bird sellers, took the lay of the land and reported back at Aleppo.

 Learning of the movement of the crusader army, Ilghazi went on the offensive.

 He launched an attack on the Christian frontier fortress of Atharib, a strategically important staging post for attacks on Aleppo.

 If it were to fall, it would give Ilghazi a strong base close to Roger’s camp.

 Much like the Christian commander , Ilghazi took decisive action and didn’t wait to combine with Tughtekin’s host that was on its way from Damascus.

 But Roger had been prepared for such an assault and had already sent additional men to support the garrison at Atharib.

 When the Muslim army arrived , they mounted a frontal assault on the fortress and feigned retreat, trying to lure the Christian defenders into the open.

 However, the maneuver failed and they were soundly beaten off by the castle’s troops, led by Robert of Vieux-Pont.

 They encamped east of Atharib to recover.

 News of the repulsed attack soon reached Roger , raising the confidence of his army.

 He sought to build on this early victory by making plans to continue the march and force a decisive battle against the Muslims.

 But just as the commanders were concluding their council of war, a strange woman entered the tent.

 She harangued the Christians, foretelling that they would all be killed on the following day!

 In an era of superstitions, such an unexpected and alarming event would’ve unnerved even the steeliest of men, and it struck a jarring note against the enthusiasm of the Frankish barons.

 A service held the following morning seems to have somewhat rebuilt the army’s shaken morale, and they prepared to put their plans into action.

 But then…

 Roger’s scouts staggered back to the camp, their horses suffering from many arrow wounds.

 Battle was upon them.

 Ilghazi had taken the Franks by surprise . During the prior attack that he launched on Atharib, he simultaneously dispatched the main body of his army through the rugged Limestone Massif.

 He spent months before the battle scouting the mountain passes, looking for the quickest routes to intercept incoming crusader armies.

 This thorough preparation for a surprise counter-attack opens up the possibility that Ilghazi’s massive frontal assault on Atharib just days prior, was in fact a diversion designed to lure Roger into a trap.

 Whatever the case, the Muslim army was now advancing on the Frankish camp… Upon sighting the crusader camp, Ilghazi slowly led his horsemen down the slope in a show of force.

 Exposing his lightly armored riders to a potential charge by Roger’s heavy cavalry showed the confidence he had in his superior numbers.

 Some 20,000 horsemen under his banner, predominantly Turkmen, were capable fighters whose warring culture and command structure still reflected their former life on the central Asian steppe .

 Ilghazi was aware that, although the narrow valley favored the crusader heavy cavalry, the Frankish camp was surrounded by rugged terrain, with few avenues of escape in case of a withdrawal.

 Worse still for the Crusaders, the summer of 1119 AD was unusually hot and the streams that normally cut through the valley dried up, leaving Roger’s army with no water supply.

 With some 11,000 men at his disposal, the regent of Antioch had a substantially smaller force than his counterpart.

 Frankish troops formed the core of his army, with the rest made up of Turcopoles, mercenaries and auxiliaries, as well as a contingent of Armenian allies.

 The most important contingent of the crusader army was the heavy cavalry.

 Despite their small numbers, a successful charge by the heavily armored knights could scatter vastly superior forces.

 Medieval knights were remarkably well trained, raised from childhood to handle arms, armor and horses.

 Their destriers were trained to charge in close formation, increasing the shock value of the squadrons of knights.

 In addition, the animals were taught to barge into, bite, and kick their enemies, smashing enemy battle lines apart.

 Aware that the Crusader army could not endure a long stand-off due to shortage of water, the Regent of Antioch chose to act before their supplies ran out.

 Trumpets resounded off the neighboring hills, as Roger gave the signal to attack!

 The infantry formed a screening force in front of the cavalry.

 Mounted units followed behind.

 With his elite knights in the lead, Roger’s plan was to charge sequentially, directly into the enemy line, the idea being that successive shock charges would break through their ranks.

 As they came within range, the Antiochenes began exchanging arrow volleys with the Turkish horsemen.

 The dust raised by the skirmish and the screen of infantry, obscured the approaching Frankish cavalry formations.

 Once they were within striking distance, the footmen began dispersing, letting the mounted units pass through.

 Roger unleashed his knights!

 Ilghazi’s divisions in the front were initially scattered by the charge.

 The Christian right wing was especially successful, mauling the Turkmen riders in front of them who gave way under pressure.

 In the center, squadrons of knights hacked their way through the Muslim line and Ilghazi rushed reinforcements into the fray to plug the gaps.

 This was of little help as the lightly armored riders stood no chance in close quarters against the heavily armored crusader cavalry.

 Soon, the second Frankish wave closed in, with Antiochene companies joining the fight.

 Behind them, the third wave of Turcopoles, Armenians and mercenaries added to the impetus of the attack.

 Despite their inferior numbers, the crusaders drove back the entire Muslim line.

 Seeing that his men are wavering, Ilghazi barked orders at the fleeing Turkish horsemen, urging them to show bravery in the holy war against the Franks .

 The fleeing troops rallied to his banner and joined the horsemen held in reserve.

 Once they regrouped, the Muslim commander launched his own second wave, his horsemen shooting their bows as they closed in.

 Ilghazi’s timely countercharge stabilized his faltering left wing and managed to halt the Frankish push in the center.

 Faced with the renewed Muslim onslaught, the left wing of the Christian line began to buckle, bending inwards and impeding Roger’s contingents in the center.

 The battle degenerated into a general melee of struggling men.

 In the midst of the churning bloodbath, a strong wind picked up the dry soil that had been kicked up by the hooves of the horses, filling the air with thick dust that limited vision.

 Then, one of the crusader cavalry columns under Rainald Mazoir broke through, putting the Turkish riders to flight.

 A chaotic chase ensued as the crusaders sought to disrupt the Muslim line and drive them from the field.

 With this success, Rainald ordered his men to turn and strike the Muslims from the rear.

 But… he was badly wounded and could barely stay on his horse.

 The men from his retinue came to his rescue, carrying him off the field towards a nearby tower.

 As the battle wore on, the Christians began to falter.

 Roger played his strongest card, the vaunted cavalry charge, and it had failed.

 Locked in a bitter melee and on the defensive, the knights were slowly ground down, with some contingents in a defensive huddle, while others lost cohesion.

 Amidst the fighting, Roger was knocked from his horse when a sword pierced through his face, falling at the foot of the large jeweled cross that he used for a standard.

 Sensing their advantage, Muslim fighters surged forward.

 With the gradual collapse of the knightly companies, the survivors and the remaining foot soldiers tried to make a last stand, seeking to muster sufficient numbers to deter attack and to negotiate their escape.

 But this was a vain hope.

 Very few from their ranks, or indeed from the Frankish army as a whole, escaped.

 Some of the captives were bound, tortured and scalped.

 Nearly the entire Antiochene force was wiped out.

 The catastrophic defeat left the Principality of Antioch vulnerable.

 Muslim raids crisscrossed its hinterlands, pillaging everything within range and reaching as far as Antioch itself.

 Strongholds along the Aleppan frontier were falling.

 Artah surrendered soon after the battle.

 Atharib’s citadel was taken and its garrison capitulated.

 Zardana also fell.

 Antioch’s crisis only deepened when Tughtekin arrived with his Damascene army, supplementing Ilghazi’s force.

 However, the city of Antioch remained out of reach due to the rapid advance of the King of Jerusalem along the coast.

 Baldwin arrived sometime in August 1119 to shore up the Christian defenses.

 This decisive swift action allowed the principality to continue its existence for another century and a half.

 Even so, the defeat at the Field of Blood left Antioch severely weakened, and subject to repeated attacks by the Muslims in the following decade.

 But that is a story for another article…